SIXTY.
President Hayes sat
behind his desk with a phone to his ear while his national security
team sat on the couches and waited for him to join them. Kennedy
was sitting next to Valerie Jones pretending to read a file. In
truth she was listening to what the President was saying, or more
accurately what he wasn't saying. The senior senator from New York,
a state the President had barely carried, had called to advise him
not to come down too hard on the Israelis for their incursion into
Hebron.
Hayes didn't even
want to take the call, but Jones had practically demanded it. When
he was up for reelection they would need New York. This was not the
first call placed to the White House this morning on behalf of
Israel. The powerful Jewish lobby was in crisis mode trying to
avert a potentially disastrous vote that was to take place at the
UN later today. Every member of the National Security Team had
fielded at least two calls from influential power brokers pleading
the Israelis' case. Secretary of State Berg had been solicited the
hardest, followed by Chief of Staff Jones and then Secretary of
Defense Culbertson. Even Kennedy and General Flood had been hit
up.
"I'll take it all
under advisement," said the President as he looked at nothing in
particular. Hayes listened for a few seconds and then said firmly,
"I fully understand the gravity of the situation, Senator. Now if
you'll excuse me, I have work to do." Hayes slammed the phone down
in its cradle and shot Valerie Jones an extremely unhappy
look.
Getting up from
behind his desk he kept his eyes on his chief of staff and said,
"That's the last one I'm taking. These people are more concerned
about Israel than their own country."
"What did he say?"
asked Jones.
"Pretty much that if
I want to win New York next time around I'd better make sure this
French resolution doesn't make it out of the Security Council."
Hayes chose to stand rather than sit.
"And if things
weren't already bad enough, they went and sent tanks into
Hebron.
American-made tanks,
I might add."
"Sir," started Jones,
"I think we need to focus our efforts on getting the vote
delayed."
Hayes ran a hand
through his hair and then grabbed the back of his neck.
"Bea?" He looked to
his Secretary of State for an answer.
"From what I'm
hearing the French are hell-bent on putting this to a vote now.
Especially since the tanks rolled in last night."
"Let's not forget
about the suicide bombs," interjected Secretary of Defense
Culbertson.
"That's how this all
got started. Israel has a right to defend herself and if the
Palestinians are going to locate their bomb factories in
residential neighborhoods, then no one should feel too bad for them
when one of them blows up."
The Secretary of
State ignored her colleague and said, "Mr. President, I would never
argue that Israel doesn't have the right to defend itself, but the
reality is that the UN is fed up with this never-ending cycle of
violence, and the assassination of one of their own has galvanized
the entire assembly like nothing I've ever seen before."
Culbertson moved to
the edge of the couch.
"But there's no proof
Israel had anything to do with the Ambassador's death. In fact,
it's preposterous to think they'd do such a thing."
The President turned
his gaze on Kennedy. Now was the time to let the rest of the team
in on what only a few knew.
"Irene."
Kennedy closed the
folder on her lap and looked at the secretaries of state and
defense and General Flood. The President had been very specific
about what he wanted her to say, or more precisely, what he didn't
want her to say. There was to be no mention of the mysterious man
who had met with Prince Omar. The Brits had quite an extensive file
on the brother of the Crown Prince. While they felt that he was
somewhat business savvy, or at least wise enough to surround
himself with people who made good decisions, the Brits also felt
that Omar was a bit dense. Their initial opinion was that they
doubted Omar could be involved in something as complicated as the
assassination of a UN Ambassador. So for now, Kennedy was sticking
with what they knew to be fact.
In a voice barely
above a whisper she said, "There was no bomb factory in
Hebron."
Secretary Berg stared
at Kennedy.
"Did the Israelis
admit to this?"
"No. In fact they are
standing by their story."
Culbertson asked
suspiciously, "Then how do we know there was no factory?"
"We had satellite
coverage of the attack. There were no secondary explosions."
"Then where did all
the damage come from?" asked Berg.
"Sixteen Hellfire
missiles fired by Apache helicopters."
"American-made
Hellfire missiles," added the President, "fired by American-made
Apache helicopters."
Secretary of State
Berg made the connection first.
"That's why they went
back into Hebron last night. They wanted to clean up the
mess."
"Or," said Kennedy,
"knowing Ben Freidman, they'll plant the evidence to make it look
like they were telling the truth the whole time and the
Palestinians were lying."
"Or," contradicted
Culbertson, "they simply went back into Hebron to clean out these
martyr brigades."
"I'm sure it's a bit
of both," agreed Kennedy, "but right now I'm inclined to believe
one is a pretense for the other."
"The reality," said
the President, taking control of the discussion, "is that we have
an ally who is not being truthful with us."
"What is Freidman
saying about the Ambassador's assassination?"
asked Berg.
Kennedy looked at the
keen Secretary of State. Berg was well aware of Israel's official
denial of any involvement in Ambassador Ali's death.
Her question by
itself showed that she believed Mossad capable of conducting a
brutal version of their own foreign policy.
"The director general
is denying any involvement."
Culbertson
grimaced.
"Just because they
lied about the bomb factory doesn't mean they had anything to do
with the Palestinian Ambassador's assassination."
"I'm not so sure,"
replied Hayes.
"At a bare minimum,
however, it proves that we can't take them at their word."
Culbertson turned to
Kennedy and skeptically asked, "You don't really think they would
have done something so brazen, do you?"
Kennedy took a moment
to compose her thoughts.
"I don't see the
benefit of such an action
at least not here on American soil, but
then again I don't have all the facts. For all I know this could be
the start of an all-out offensive on Israel's part to clean out the
West Bank once and for all."
"Why kill the
Ambassador then?" asked Berg.
"All they've managed
to do is galvanize the UN."
Until this moment,
for several reasons, Kennedy had restrained herself from voicing
her next comment. First and foremost was that she didn't want to
believe Israel could be so reckless, but her strained relationship
with Freidman and the assault of the suicide bombers on the Israeli
psyche led her closer to the conclusion that they were indeed
capable of such a brutal move.
"There is a school of
thought"-Kennedy couched her words carefully-"that Israel no longer
cares what the UN thinks."
The President had not
heard this before and asked, "How so?"
"To be sure, there
are elements within Israel that believe engagement is the only way
to lasting peace and security, but there is a growing lobby that
thinks every time Israel trusts her concerns and security to
another country or organization, she gets burned."
Secretary of State
Berg concurred.
"They see the UN at a
bare minimum as being unsympathetic and at worst, as blatantly
anti-Semitic."
Kennedy agreed.
"So by killing the
Palestinian Ambassador in New York, they're telling the UN what
they really think of them, while at the same time sending a message
to the Palestinians that they can be every bit as brutal as they
are."
Culbertson started to
see their point.
"UN resolutions go
un-enforced all the time, so why bother trying to appease
them."
"Exactly," replied
Berg.